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From: Gerd Schmerse <>
Subject: [POSEN] Poles and Germans in the Grand Duchy Posen in the spring of 1848 (6/7)
Date: Wed, 05 Dec 2001 16:25:46 +0100
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Poles and Germans in the Grand Duchy Posen in the spring of 1848
(part 6 of 7)
by TATJANA STUDENIKINA
translated from Russian by Johanna Klein
translated from German by Gerd Schmerse

This compromise called forth a storm of the indignation under the German
citizens[80]; the positions of the promoters of a peaceful solution of
the national conflict had been weakened measurably already in the first
days of April. In the evening of April 11th in Posen a protest march
occurred, at which more than thousand Germans participated. The demon-
strators surrounded the house of Willisen and demanded the annulment of
the convention of Jaroslawiec. Agents of the DNK were dispatched to
Willisen, who stayed in Wreschen[81] to pursue personally the fulfill-
ment of the terms of the contract; they advised him to return to Berlin
immediately.[82]

On April 12th a German public gathering ("Deutsche Volksversammlung") at
the Odeon declared their discontent with Willisen's politics.[83] The
royal commissioner was found in a difficult situation. On April 14th he
wrote to Auerswald, that the excitement increased in the rebellious camp
and that, in order to rehabilitate the trust into the government, final-
ly something had to happen.[84] On April 17th a second appeal of Willi-
sen was published to the population. The general disclosed the "instal-
lation of commissaries", consisting of Poles, "who as so-called deputies
of the estates of the county (Kreisstände) stand next to the head dis-
trict administrator, to support him at the difficult work of the resto-
ration and fortification of the legal order ..."[85] That was the only
practical measure in realization of the national reorganization of the
principality.

Under the conditions of the intensification of both the class - as well
as the national struggle in these days the ideological bases of the
movement of the Posen German bourgeoisy were composed. In the newspaper
of the grand duchy Posen appeared articles, in which the originality of
this movement was emphasized. From now on the ideologists of the DNK
especially stressed the differences of the goals pursued by the Poles
and German, the diversity of the ways to their accomplishment. For the
Poles, Robert Hepke wrote in one of his newspaper articles, the libera-
tion movement was equivalent to the fight for the resurrection of their
nationality. Just therefore their onset was so strong. "The German
proceeded more quietly - peacefully wanted to expand his up to now so
limited political life onto the broad new bases."[86]

In these days the position of the new DNK against the Polish liberation
movement was finally determined. In an article of the "Deutsches Konsti-
tutionelles Blatt" in a thorough analysis of the March events was given
an appraisal of this movement in general and of the activity the PNK in
the particular. As it was noted in the article, two ways would have been
open for the Polish population - the legal and the illegal. The first
consisted in sending a delegation to the king and to try and get admi-
ssions in the national question from the government in a peaceful way .
The illegal way meant activities of the PNK formed without permission of
the government. As in the article was emphasized, the PNK started to
prepare the revolution in the province, it was going to organize Polish
armed forces. In this way the PNK wanted to achieve the same as the
deputation under Przyluski was about to ask the king. The German side
dreaded the PNK would lead the province into anarchy by that.[87] For
the ideologists of the DNK the "illegality" of the activities of the
Poland therefore did not consist in that they demanded concessions from
the government, but in the attempt, to prevail by force of arms.

Simultaneously the leading powers of the DNK strove for the characteri-
zation of the German national movement in the province. They accused the
Poles to limit the German national interests; they characterized the
antipolish appearances of the German bourgeoisy of Posen as acts of the
self-defense.[88]

In March and April 1848 the ideologists of the DNK analyzed the libera-
tion movement of the Poles and tried to take position more or less
clear-cut. The Polish question, which was hotly discussed in that time
in all German countries, had for the Posen Germans a completely concrete
content: What should become of the Posen grand duchy, and which place
would be attributed the German citizens in its sociopolitical life, if
the Prussian government fulfilled the demands of the Poles? It is under-
standable, that at the time of the Polish riot all thoughts of the
leaders of the DNK concentrated on this problem.[89]

It would however be wrong to limit the political interests the Posen
Germans so narrow. It is not to be assumed, that they, who constantly
emphasized their relationship with Prussia and the other German coun-
tries, could behave indifferently to the political struggle sharpened in
the first months of the revolution in Germany. If one considers Brachvo-
gel's speech and also some remarks of Hepke under this aspect, so cer-
tain conclusions re their political sympathies can be made. In the last
days of March newspaper of the grand duchy Posen regularly began to
publish articles, in which were debated the questions agitating all
Germans about the union , the constitution and the order of the state,
the elections for the national assembly and political rights and free-
doms of the citizens.[90]

There were also - directly joined with uneasiness among the urban
poverty of Posen and other cities of the grand duchy - attempts to
debate in the newspaper the so-called social question.[91] However the
proposed measures did not exceed the ordinary charity; one set large
hopes into the government of Camphausen-Hansemann, who promised to place
new credits for the development of craft and trades at the disposal. In
such general considerations strictly speaking the "theoretical" activity
of the ideologists of the DNK already run down, who claimed to be lea-
ding centre of the German movement of the grand duchy. In vain one looks
for traces of a concrete sociopolitical program in the documents of the
committee. Because of the materials of the newspaper and also some
indirect references in the pamphlet of Hepke one solely can make a
conception of the political sights of a part of the members of the DNK,
grouped around v. Schreeb, Crousaz, Hepke and Hensel.

According to an explanation of the editor the newspaper "Zeitung des
Großherzogtums Posen", Hensel, the newspaper under his leadership should
become a "decided organ of the sensible, legally legitimate constitutio-
nalism, of the constitutional monarchy", "thoroughly opposed to every
radical both republican as well as reactionary tendency".[92] In the
considered period the newspaper stringently kept to this orientation. In
their editorial articles the advantages of the constitutionally monar-
chic form of government for Germany were always praised. "With certainty
one can state that only a very small, and certainly not the better part
of the people wants the republic. Everyone considerate insist on a
monarchic form of government limited through free constitutions, in
which they recognize the exclusive pledge of true freedom and the pro-
tection from unspeakable disruption."[93] The same was repeated also in
the following days: Each true German longed, so it was said on April
18th, 1848, for a peaceful development to a really constitutional monar-
chy, all (with the exception of some) would refuse the republic with
all its confused, every order lacking communist doctrines.[94]

The newspaper supported the demand for introduction of a new electoral
law, which would exclude the classifying of the electors "after feudal
statuses of the Middle Ages"[95], and stood for a speedy conscription of
the national assembly to elaborate a constitution - "a bastion of the
order and freedom"[96]. All these demands were held in the spirit the
moderate civil -liberal democratism of the fourties and did not exceed
said royal patent of March 18th. In fact the agents of the Posen DNK ,
who followed up the proceedings in the Prussian capital and the course
of the political fight between liberals and democrats quite attentively,
always solidarised with the positions of the liberals. On April 7th the
DNK founded in Posen a constitutional club (KK) after the model and
pattern of the Berlin club.[97]

About the objective of the club was said: "Agreement over the meaning
and exercise of the rights granted by the constitutional constitution
and the perception of the interests of the German population the grand
duchy." And further was determined: "Member of the club may become every
blameless major citizen, who is announced by a member and paid a dollar
(Thaler) entrance fee."[98] In the first meeting of the club on April
10th a message to the Berlin constitutional club was put up, in which
the sincere thanks was expressed for the elaboration of the basic prin-
ciple (i. e. the constitutionalism), which had united the Posen citi-
zens.[99]

In the consequence the leadership of the Posen KK always underlined
their mental solidarity with the Prussian liberals and the moderate
democrats, who impressed on the political attitude of the constitutional
club in Berlin, and supported their decisions unconditionally.[100] An
own program however was not developed - it is possible, that this was
taken for being superfluously with the full agreement of the sights of
his members with the Berlin KK.[101]

The documents of the club as well as that of the supervising DNK show,
that only in one question - namely in the national question - the German
citizen took in a clear and closed position. The growing Polish libera-
tion movement and the expansion of the Prussian army[102] in the grand
duchy led in the beginning of April to strengthened nationalistic ten-
dencies among the Posen Germans. Just at this time the influence of the
German bourgeoisy of the grand duchy on the government Camphausen pro-
gressed visibly. Their demand to preserve in the province the status
quo, forced the Prussian government to dispense with the most minor
changes there. The direct answer on the numerous petitions of the German
citizens of the Netze district was the royal cabinet order of April
14th, l848.[103] This decree, in which the king explained himself "in
complete agreement with the opinion of the Secretary of State, brought
to Me at the request of different petitions of the German inhabitants of
the grand duchy Posen , that the national reorganization promised to the
Polish population of the province may not be expanded on those parts of
the country of the grand duchy, in which the German nationality is
prevailing",[104] excluded the Netze district from the reorganization
being a district with predominantly German population.[105] The Posen
grand duchy was divided in this way in two parts, a Polish and a German.
With it the question of a "demarcation line" was raised for the first
time, which should separate the grand duchy. Already with this first
restraint of the decree on March 24th, 1848, the question of the natio-
nal reorganization was reduced to the question of the demarcation line.
By now the entire political activity of the DNK was directed to win the
government for the transfer of the demarcation line further to the east,
i. e. in the Poles disfavour.

__________
[80] Also the Poles did not took in the regulations with enthusiasm,
however for other reasons: For the national reorganization no exact
deadlines were determined, but the immediate dissolution of the Polish
sections was demanded.

[81] Four rebellious camps emerged at Wreschen, Schroda, Pleschen and
Kschonz.

[82] ZGP, No. 88, 13. 4. ; No. 89. 14. 4. 1848; Memorandum, p. 40 f.; C.
Meyer, The Germans, p. 22 f.

[83] DKB, No. 1, 14. 4. 1848.

[84] W. Willisen, Files and remarks, p. 49 ff.

[85] text of the appeal ibid, p. 68 f.

[86] DKB, No. 10, 27. 4. 1848.

[87] Ibid.

[88] DKB, No. 12, 29. 4. 1848.

[89] The problem of the political orientation of the national movement
the German bourgeoisy of Posen is not explored altogether. Solely Koz-
lowski points, in connection with the election campaign in the principa-
lity in May 1848, to the existence of two currents - one conservative-
nationalistic and one liberal-nationalistic - among the Posen Germans
there. B. Grze´s/J. Kozlowski/A. Kramski, Niemcy, p. 111 f.

[90] ZGP, No. 72, 25. 4. 1848; No. 74, 28. 3. 1848; No. 82, 6. 4. 1848;
No. 86, 11. 4. 1848; No. 92, 18. 4. 1848 etc.

[91] ZGP, No. 76, 30. 3. 1848; No. 78, 1. 4. 1848; No. 82, 6. 4. 1848;
No. 84, 8. 4. 1848; No. 97, 26. 4. 1848; DKB, No. 3, 17. 4. 1848; No.
16, 5. 5. 1848.

[92] ZGP, No. 85, 10. 4. 1848.

[93] ZGP, No. 82, 6. 4. 1848.

[94] ZGP, No. 92, 18. 4. 1848.

[95] ZGP, No. 74, 28. 3. 1848: "The feudal estates of the Middle Ages
should pass over, as people and government want unanimously, into a
constitutional constitution."

[96] Ibid, but also: No. 88, 13. 4. 1848.

[97] DKB, No. 1, 14. 4. 1848.

[98] ZGP, No. 88, 13. 4. 1848, 1. enclosure.

[99] DKB, No. 2, 15. 4. 1848. To the Berlin constitutional club cf. V.
Valentine, history of the German revolution 1848-1849. Berlin 1930, vol.
1, p. 534 f.; A. Wolff, Berlin revolution chronicle. Display of the
Berlin movements in the year 1848 after political, social and literary
relationships, Berlin 1851, photo mechanic reprint Leipzig 1979, vol. 1,
p. 447 ff.

[100] The DKB constantly issued detailed reports on the meetings of the
Berlin "Constitutionalists". Thereby the exchange of information was
mutual: the agents of the Posen constitutional club reported regularly
to Berlin on the situation in the principality and the activity of the
club. The "Posen matter" was discussed repeatedly on the meetings of the
Berlin constitutional clubs, at which also agents of the Posen DNK,
Hepke and Dazur, were involved, particularly on April 3rd, 5th, and 6th,
1848. Similar reports on the meetings of the club became published in
the above mentioned "Berlin Zeitungshalle" ", No. 80, 4. 4. 1848; No.
81, 5. 4. 1848; No. 82, 6. 4. 1848.

[101] It evidently deals with the "majority" and not with all members of
the club, that can be concluded from the reports on the meetings, which
did not rarely passed over into sharp controversies, vgl. DKB, No. 2, 5,
8. However very little is known about the sights of the opposing side,
one can state only, that their critics on the "majority" led them on
more left positions.

[102] Since end of March under the pretext of the war with Russia mili-
tary reinforcement was sent to Posen. As Willisen reported to the Secre-
tary of the Interior, in April approximately 20 000 men stood under the
command of Colomb, W. Willisen, Files and remarks, p. 23. U. A. Suster
estimates the army of Colomb at 30000 men, U. A. Suster, Poznan'skoe
vosstanie, p. 28. A still larger number, 35 000, cites A. L. Narocnic-
kij, Evropejskaja diplomatija i revoljucija 1848, Moscow 1946, p. 84.

[103] Cf. ZStA Merseburg, Rep. 77, Tit. 539, No. 1.

[104] text of the decree, in: R. Hepke, The Polish riot, p. 66.

[105] This district took up a third of the principality. In the year
1846 465 697 persons lived there after official statistical statements,
for the most part Germans; cf. B. Grze´s/J. Koslowski/A. Kramski,
Niemcy, p. 101.

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